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	<title>astropolitics.org Blog &#187; Civil-Military</title>
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		<title>Army Literacy: The Write Stuff?</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2008/01/16/army-literacy-the-write-stuff/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2008/01/16/army-literacy-the-write-stuff/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 Jan 2008 15:11:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Frank the Tank</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Policy]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Folks,From an H-War posting, a review in the Weekly Standard of a recent book written by a West Point professor of English. Basically, it touts the Academy as a place where a book based intellectual journey is important and one that continues for many after they leave the institution. I would contrast this finding with [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><font size="2">Folks,</font><font size="2">From an H-War posting, a review in the <em><a title="Write Stuff" href="http://www.weeklystandard.com/Utilities/printer_preview.asp?idArticle=14474&#038;R=11639371CF" target="_blank">Weekly Standard</a></em> of a recent book written by a West Point professor of English. Basically, it touts the Academy as a place where a book based intellectual journey is important and one that continues for many after they leave the institution. I would contrast this finding with a recent article in <em><a title="Twilight of the Books" href="http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2007/12/24/071224crat_atlarge_crain" target="_blank">The New Yorker</a></em> on the value of reading for intellectual development and thinking and what changes may happen as book culture declines.</p>
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		<title>Why isn&#8217;t the USAF getting the Love?</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/11/20/why-isnt-the-usaf-getting-the-love/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/11/20/why-isnt-the-usaf-getting-the-love/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2007 20:06:35 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>dolman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Airpower]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Policy]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Our friend in Washington passed along a very interesting analysis:
 
Three reasons why USAF is under attack: 
1. The national security strategy vacuum: From 1981 through 2001, our national security strategy was deterrence and containment, with airpower playing the largest single role.  During that period, the USAF enjoyed a position of respect and support.  Since 2001, our national security strategy [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Our friend in Washington passed along a very interesting analysis:</p>
<p> </p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">Three reasons why USAF is under attack:</span> </p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">1. The national security strategy vacuum: From 1981 through 2001, our national security strategy was <em><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">deterrence and containment</span></strong></em>, with airpower playing the largest single role.  During that period, the USAF enjoyed a position of respect and support.  Since 2001, our national security strategy has been <em><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">large scale engagement on the ground</span></strong></em>, with urban ops most prominent.  Under that strategy, it is no wonder that AF status is diminished, and even that its relevance is questioned by some.  This will continue until our political leaders begin to articulate some national security strategy beyond <em><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">stay the course in the long GWOT</span></strong></em>.</span> <span id="more-57"></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">In the absence of any such new strategy, it is not unreasonable to assume that we will continue to be broadly engaged on the ground in Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan, trading the lives of young Americans for the lives of young Muslims at some &#8220;favorable&#8221; ratio, for the next twenty years.  If that is indeed our future, then the Army zealots are right: the AF should get into harness and prepare to pull the Army cart for the next two decades.  Moreover, it is pointless to argue with the Army zealots until political leaders at least <em><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">suggest or propose </span></strong></em>a new national security strategy and a new vision of the next twenty years.</span> </p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">It is naive to assume that we can do everything that we would like to in national defense.  If we are indeed going to slug it out with the Muslim world in a twenty-year street brawl, the economic cost alone will be crippling to our nation, and will preclude the simultaneous pursuit of any other expensive national security strategies.  Already, as a result of the cost of the war in Iraq, unpaid by taxes and fully passed on to our children as debt, we have severely constrained our other defense options.  At the beginning of &#8221;The Pacific Century&#8221;, rightly or wrongly, we chose to spend all our chips on the Middle East.   Building a set of credible deterrent capabilities against China is probably already economically impossible, and certainly will become impossible if the GWOT continues and expands over the next several years.  Taiwan&#8217;s independence may ultimately be a major casualty of the Iraq war.</span> </p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">More to the point, if we are not going to challenge China over Taiwan, whether by choice or by economic constraint, then the purpose and mission of the USAF changes profoundly, both in scope and in character.  Without China, there is no near-peer adversary, and no need for more F-22s, NGB, et al.  The prime AF mission becomes theater persistence (lots of sorties, for years on end) in a low-to-mid-level threat environment.  And the primary challenge for the AF becomes not new capabilities, not greater reach, but rather reconstitution and maintenance of current capabilities at the lowest possible cost.  Unless leaders begin to articulate a different strategic future, it is pointless to argue either for more exotic assets or for any more prominent role for airpower than it now plays in Iraq.</span> </p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">2. Inept USAF Leadership: The AF has failed to recognize its position in this drama.  AF leaders have foolishly pressed issues at the worst possible time.  Demanding a decision on UAS Executive Agency at this time was as bone-headed as pissing into the wind.  Now, predictably, it&#8217;s blowing back in the form of calls, not entirely in jest, to disband the AF.  Politics matter, and timing matters.  The time for a boy to demand a decision on the new bicycle he wants is not in the middle of his brother&#8217;s birthday party.  And if he engages in a tantrum during that party, he&#8217;s likely to not only forfeit the bicycle but also receive punishment afterward.  That&#8217;s what&#8217;s happening now to the AF in the wake of their childish behavior on Executive Agency.   </span> </p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">KC-X, SBIRS, CSAR-X, JASSM.  These are not simply programs that have encountered technical or cost difficulties.  They are inexcusable failures of acquisition management, entirely self-inflicted by officials either incompetent or unwilling to follow simple rules.  And after repeatedly embarrassing themselves on such a scale before the world, their response is to demand DoD-wide UAS acquisition authority?</span> </p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">3. The Faustian bargain between the military, the Republican Party and right-wing macho jingoism: The Party sold its soul to the right wing to get elected, embracing the South&#8217;s crudest elements, and the military sold its soul to the Party in hopes of bigger defense budgets.  Both got their wishes, but at a heavy price.  First, soccer moms were told to be afraid, very afraid, and fear was used to drown out dissent.  Then, anyone questioning the wisdom of the war was a non-patriot and a coward.  Now, that madness has simply followed its course to the point that <em><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">only soldiers and Marines are real patriots</span></strong></em>.  The Air Force has only slightly better seats in Valhalla than the State Department.  Real men don&#8217;t need State Department geeks, and they only need Air Force geeks for support.</span> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'">The war has broken the Army, and the other branches are not far behind.  Not only have the fruits of higher defense budgets been consumed by the war, even the trees have been lost, leaving the services far worse off than before.  Through its own political support of this administration, the military has naively assisted in its own demise, ushering in a new era of weakness not unlike the post-Vietnam decade.  The Army, Navy and Air Force are each in crisis now, largely because of their gross misuse and abuse by the very people they helped elect.  Yet each of the services continues to see their own individual plight as if they&#8217;ve been unfairly singled out.  The Army woes are because Rummy hated them.  The Navy is broken because the shipyards are too expensive, and all the resources go to the Army and Air Force.  The Air Force feels like Rodney Dangerfield.  The truth is that all three have been sacrificed to a failed national policy based on fear and perverted patriotism.</span></p>
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		<title>Geopolitical Diary: Strategy and Process</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/08/28/geopolitical-diary-strategy-and-process/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/08/28/geopolitical-diary-strategy-and-process/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 28 Aug 2007 18:57:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>dolman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strategy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/08/28/geopolitical-diary-strategy-and-process/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[This was posted on IntelliBriefs Blogspot a few days ago. The tag line is superb: &#8220;Strategy is to process as Clausewitz is to a PowerPoint.&#8221; Read on &#8230;

The executive summary of a report by the CIA&#8217;s Office of the Inspector General was declassified and released on Tuesday. Originally published in 2005, the report states that [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">This was posted on </font><a title="geo-clausewitz" href="http://intellibriefs.blogspot.com/2007/08/geopolitical-diary-strategy-and-process.html" target="_blank"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">IntelliBriefs Blogspot</font></a><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> a few days ago. The tag line is superb: &#8220;Strategy is to process as Clausewitz is to a PowerPoint.&#8221; Read on &#8230;</font></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt">The executive summary of a report by the CIA&#8217;s Office of the Inspector General was declassified and released on Tuesday. Originally published in 2005, the report states that senior CIA officials &#8220;did not discharge their responsibilities in a satisfactory manner&#8221; when dealing with the al Qaeda threat prior to 9/11. It recommends that the CIA consider disciplining then-Director George Tenet and other senior CIA officials. The recommendation was rejected by Porter Goss, who was director of the CIA in 2005, when the report was produced. That rejection was reaffirmed Tuesday by Michael Hayden, current head of the CIA, who also objected to the report&#8217;s declassification.<span id="more-31"></span></p>
<p>The Office of the Inspector General is an organization internal to the CIA whose task it is to investigate failures and misconduct within the agency. It is the internal watchdog. It was rumored that the inspector general had issued a blistering report on the CIA&#8217;s pre-9/11 performance, but it was not known (at least to us) that disciplinary action had been recommended. There is always tension between any federal agency and its internal investigations unit, but generally investigators are gentler than a congressional committee &#8212; especially on senior management&#8217;s execution of its job. To recommend discipline for the top officials of the agency is a pretty startling step.</p>
<p>The heart of the report levels this criticism at Tenet: that a strategy for fighting al Qaeda was needed but that it didn&#8217;t exist, and that Tenet &#8220;bears ultimate responsibility for the fact that no such strategic plan was ever created.&#8221; The report also criticizes the CIA for failing to maintain an effective watch list of potential terrorists, making it impossible to screen threats. It also says that Tenet diverted money allocated to counterterrorism programs for other intelligence uses unrelated to terrorism.</p>
<p>The most important criticism, of course, is the lack of a CIA strategy for combating terrorism. Over the years, the CIA had become driven by process. Obviously process is an important aid in achieving goals &#8212; but in some organizations, and it would appear in the CIA, process stops being a tool and becomes an end in itself. What that means, in practical terms, is that getting the wrong answer became tolerable at the CIA, so long as the process was followed. Getting the right answer was unacceptable if it did not follow the process. One obvious problem is that gut insights do not map well to processes, but it is frequently those insights that get you where you need to go in intelligence.</p>
<p>The problem being raised here is the tension between process and strategy. Process is designed to serve as a template for recurring events &#8212; so the same thing is done the same way each time. You can&#8217;t generate a strategy via a process. Strategy, the broad approach to a problem, doesn&#8217;t turn into a process because &#8212; at least in intelligence &#8212; every case is so different. Using the same process to mount an intelligence operation against the Soviet Union and to deal with al Qaeda makes little sense.</p>
<p>The CIA under George Tenet didn&#8217;t search for a strategy for defeating al Qaeda. It didn&#8217;t take apart al Qaeda, identify its weak point and systematically attack it. Rather it tried to create a process for dealing with terrorism. In trying to build a replicable, definable process, it failed to understand its enemy and therefore never created a strategy.</p>
<p>Strategy is to process as Clausewitz is to a PowerPoint. It is not clear whether the U.S. intelligence community or the military has learned this lesson. Understanding the nature of strategy is difficult, disorderly and can&#8217;t be reduced to three bullet points. Process is easier, orderly and can be briefed in 15-minute sessions. Tenet rejected the charges in the inspector general&#8217;s report. He had built sophisticated processes. But as the report said, he never built a strategy.</p>
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		<title>AFA Spam and Arkin Buzz</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/08/16/afa-spam-and-arkin-buzz/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/08/16/afa-spam-and-arkin-buzz/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 16 Aug 2007 19:01:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Frank the Tank</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Policy]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[In case you did not see this missive in either your daily AFA spam or on the Early Warning (more like Distant Early Warning down here at Maxwell) Blog….. 

Buzz About Obama and Airpower: Making the rounds of traditional and Web media are remarks Presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.) made in New Hampshire earlier this [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">In case you did not see this missive in either your daily AFA spam or on the Early Warning (more like Distant Early Warning down here at Maxwell) Blog….. </font></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Buzz About Obama and Airpower: Making the rounds of traditional and Web media are remarks Presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.) made in New Hampshire earlier this week that criticize the use of airpower in Afghanistan. He said there should be more troops on the ground “so we’re not just air-raiding villages and killing civilians.” In his blog on <em>WashingtonPost.com</em>, <strong>William Arkin </strong></font><a href="http://r.listpilot.net/c/afa/1mwkh62/15aca" target="_blank"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><strong>decries </strong></font></a><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">both Obama’s “strategic implications” and his facts, but he also criticizes the Air Force for not contacting the Senator to set him straight. Arkin says he has studied the issue and can state that the idea that aircraft “are responsible for more civilian deaths than ground forces is false.” Unfortunately, at last check, readers posting comments to Arkin’s piece disagreed with his view, which by the way is not anti-Obama. He calls the Illinois Senator “independent and nimble-thinking,” in most instances.</font></p>
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		<title>The End of Victory</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/30/the-end-of-victory/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/30/the-end-of-victory/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 30 Jul 2007 16:15:54 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>dolman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/08/23/the-end-of-victory/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The first notion the military strategist must discard is victory, for strategy is not about winning. The pure strategist understands that war is but one aspect of social and political competition, an ongoing interaction that has no finality. This is not to say that victory has no place in strategy. The outcome of battles and [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">The first notion the military strategist must discard is victory, for strategy is not about winning. The pure strategist understands that war is but one aspect of social and political competition, an ongoing interaction that has no finality. This is not to say that victory has no place in strategy. The outcome of battles and campaigns are critical variables within the strategist’s plan, but victory is a concept that has no meaning there; it belongs wholly within the realm of tactics. To the tactical and operational planner, wars are indeed won and lost, and the difference is plain. Success is measurable; failure is obvious.<span id="more-8"></span></font></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">The differences between strategy and tactics are many, but the meaningful ones are located in the focus of effort and the relationship of the planner to boundaries. Both strategist and tactician are necessary to the prosecution of war; each conducts one dimension of the military way. Tactical thinking is concerned with individual actions and decisions, strategic with aggregate interactions and conditions. Tactical planning takes into account the numerous boundaries that restrict action, strategic planning attempts to manipulate the boundaries that enable action. From the tactical perspective, war is bound by real and artificial restrictions of time and space. Social, historical, geographical, and technological characteristics further provide the context of conflict, offering a structure for actions taken. To be sure, in any socio-political dispute in which a beginning and an end can be discerned, and a culmination of events is desired, victory and defeat are the standards of success.</font></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">The closer one gets to the battlefield, the more meaningful—and obvious—the measure of victory becomes. Accordingly, as the conceptual scope widens from battle to campaign, from campaign to war, and from war to policy, the more troublesome it is even to determine a beginning, much less an end, to events. In the grandest scope of history, the best we can state is that the beginning is still open to debate, and the end has not yet come. For the strategist, to whom the tactical and operational outcomes of battles, campaigns, and wars are but moments in the unfolding landscape of politics and history, the impact of military action extends well beyond (and before) the causes and outcomes of wars. This larger focus is appropriate for the strategist, who seeks instead of culmination a favorable continuation of events. The distinction is vital. Battles and wars may end, but interaction between individuals and states goes on, and ‘one can no more achieve final victory than one can “win” history.’ </font><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">[Christopher Bassford, ‘John Keegan and the Tradition of Trashing Clausewitz,’ <em>War and History</em> Vol 1: nr 3 (November 1994), p. 330.]</font></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA" /></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA">In this broadest and most encompassing view, strategy represents the link between policy and military action. It connects the conduct of war with the intent of politics. It is subtler than the tactical and operational arts of directly matching means to ends, however. It shapes and guides military means in anticipation of a panoply of possible coming events. In the process, strategy changes the context within which events will happen. Thus strategy, in its simplest form, is simply a plan for attaining continuing advantage. For the goal of strategy is not to culminate events, to establish finality in the discourse between states, but to influence state’s discourse in such a way that it will go forward on favorable terms. For continue it will.</span></p>
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		<title>Terrorism IS Organized Crime</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/23/terrorism-is-organized-crime/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/23/terrorism-is-organized-crime/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 23 Jul 2007 15:25:57 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>dolman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strategy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/23/terrorism-is-organized-crime/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The growing association of international terrorist organizations and transnational criminals, initially and primarily as a funding source, is well documented. Some terrorist organizations, including the FARC in Columbia and the KLA in southeastern Europe have wholly subsumed the illegal enterprises upon which they once relied, and no run them directly. It is past time that [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">The growing association of international terrorist organizations and transnational criminals, initially and primarily as a funding source, is well documented. Some terrorist organizations, including the FARC in Columbia and the KLA in southeastern Europe have wholly subsumed the illegal enterprises upon which they once relied, and no run them directly. It is past time that we stop dignifying the criminal behavior of terrorist organizations with our efforts in the global war on terror, and begin associating international their heinous activities with the thugs and goons they aspire to be. Terrorists should not even be tangentially admired for their actions, but instead completely reviled as variations of criminal organizations.<span id="more-12"></span></font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Indeed, the parallels with transnational organized crime and international terrorist organizations are keen, and suggest that the most successful strategies for combating organized crime domestically may be fruitfully adapted to battling international terrorism<br />
<strong> </strong></font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><strong>Conflicting Views:</strong><br />
The first requirement for transitioning from an inappropriate war to an effective fight against organized crime is to recast the American endeavor from a war effort to a police action. To be sure, the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) is barely more of a war than was the 1960’s war on poverty or the 1980’s war on drugs. The term war in all these instances is a rhetorical device intended to show resolve and commitment. The problem in the current case is that it legitimizes the terrorist’s cause and raises the terrorist’s status to legal combatant. Neither characterization is accurate. Terrorism is merciless violence directed at innocent citizens, and is no more a legitimate action than a mugging is a mutually beneficial trade in which one member of society gets money and the other gets to live.Such statements are obvious enough to the victims of terrorism and muggings, yet governments have been reticent in declaring these actions criminal—even more reluctant to describe terrorists as criminals—despite the great benefit that could come from doing so. To the extent that the GWOT is a real war, a violent confrontation between states, it is evident in the invasion and toppling of governments that provide support or sanctuary to known terrorist groups. This is clearly a military effort. In the current actions in Afghanistan and Iraq, however, anti-terrorist activities are more properly law enforcement problems. The state-centric model of combating international terrorism has had numerous unintended consequences. Most international terrorist organizations are akin to transnational organized crime in that the base operation exists in one state or regions, but members routinely cross international borders to facilitate or conduct operations. Attempting to eliminate organizations within existing national borders has the consequence of eliminating them in some locations only to see them pop up in another. Al Qaeda’s forced exit from Sudan, for example, was shortly followed by its barely disrupted reappearance in Afghanistan. The focus of American efforts needs to be instead on coordinating international efforts to disrupt transnational trade in illicit drugs, weapons, money, and people. Effective disruption of terrorism occurs at the borders of states—all borders—not within borders.<br />
</font></p>
<p><font size="3"><font face="Times New Roman"><strong>The Organized Crime Metaphor:<br />
</strong>The traditional separation of terrorism and organized crime is partially due to the politically correct perception that today’s terrorist is tomorrow’s freedom fighter. Particularly where the righteous rebel fights against oppressive governments, the insurgent image has a certain mystique. But freedom fighters do not target innocent civilians or operate transnational prostitution rings to buy guns. To the extent they do, they ought to be de-legitimized. They may be forced to accept collateral damage as a regrettable and unfortunate side of war, but they do not toss bombs in schoolyards.It is also a prevailing practice to disassociate terrorists from criminals as the motivations of each group are perceived to be theoretically different. </font></font></p>
<p><font size="3"><font face="Times New Roman">Presumably, the terrorist is motivated by political, ideological, religious, or ethnic idealism; criminals by self-interested profit. The fact is that it is increasingly difficult to find the dividing line. While terrorists are turning out to be remarkably self and profit-motivated, they are also turning increasingly to the strong arm tactics of organized crime to maintain support. Hizbollah, Hamas, and al-Qaeda routinely use blackmail, extortion, and protection rackets to supplement ‘charitable giving’ through associated or wholly-owned non-profit foreign aid organizations.  In an ironic twist, in neighborhoods in Michigan where the largest American concentration of Muslims is found, illegal aliens are told they will be turned over to immigration authorities if they do not provide regular funds. In other places, family members are kidnapped or monitored as a constant threat to wavering supporters. Businesses pay protection money to terrorist-supporting gang-style organizations to prevent them from being attacked by those same thugs. The relationship between terrorist organizations and organized crime in the supply of weapons, to include weapons of mass destruction (WMD) is increasingly undifferentiated. In some areas, terrorists are mimicking the organizational structure and operational techniques of long-term organized crime ‘states-within-states’ of the American and Italian Mafia, the Chinese Triads, and Japanese Yakuza.</font></font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Both organized crime and terrorism flourish where corruption levels of state officials are high (allowing bribery and patronage), governing legitimacy is low (accelerating ‘replacement’ control), and government support for anti-crime efforts is perceived as absent or complicated by the legal framework. When the state cannot protect its citizens, organized crime steps in. Note this is different than, though compatible with, traditional arguments that recruiting and support for terrorist organizations is primarily based on dissatisfaction with political, ideological, or economic capacities of the extant governing or economic system. In many cases, just as with organized racketeering, it is the terrorists who are taking away the government’s capacity to serve its citizens, and then offering themselves as the only consistent service providers.</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Modern transnational criminal and international terrorist organizations are dispersed, flat-structured entities designed to maximize adaptability. They are unable to withstand direct military confrontation but are extremely agile in avoiding opposition. They both use highly decentralized networks for distribution of information, and both have become increasingly adept at using subtlety in the application of social disruption. In addition to violence, these techniques include sophisticated information operations and perception management through various popular media. As such, they are most susceptible to counter-crime techniques involving persistent monitoring combined with infiltration and disruption from within—standard operating procedures for police.<br />
 </font></p>
<p><font size="3"><font face="Times New Roman"><strong>A New Strategy for Combating Terrorism:<br />
</strong>Strategies for combating organized crime have conceptually differed from those for combating international terrorism. While the first has seen steady successes and reductions in traditional organized crime enterprises, international terrorism appears to be gaining in strength as the tool employed to eliminate it is not designed for the job. This has contributed to the subsuming of criminal organizations by terrorist ones.<br />
A strategy for containing, then rolling back international terrorism could be swiftly developed and implemented along the same lines as those currently in place for battling organized crime. These would initially overlap current military missions in the GWOT, and allow for continuing DOD involvement at an appropriate reduced level. Expected anti-criminal activity would involve aspects of punishment and police presence focused on monitoring, surveillance, and detection with the goal of criminal incident reduction, supported by rigorous investigation, prosecution, and incarceration.</font></font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">There are potential disadvantages in the transition from a war on terrorism to policing terrorism as an international criminal activity. Military and state organizations are hierarchically and bureaucratically organized, and functionally differentiated, making it difficult to coordinate efforts and share information. Nonetheless, the current war metaphor places the burden of coordination on an overtaxed military, and not on the many international and interagency organizations that have long standing protocols and agreements for combating transnational crime. To the extent that current military resources can be transferred to extant cooperating agreements between state agencies, the military would be freer to concentrate on the most dangerous and impending targets of opportunity globally—as opposed to being bogged down in a quagmire of state-building and international police/peacekeeping. The reduced military footprint not only reduces the image of America as an occupying imperial power, it adds legitimacy to fledgling democracies’ efforts to combat organized crime/terrorism within their own borders. The military would then be freed up to train and prepare for maximum force application at the direction of civilian authorities, in effect transitioning from beat cops to over-the-horizon international SWAT teams. </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Such a transition also better supports more appropriate military requirements and capacities. It would allow US forces to continue the process of transformation to high-tech, global reach, precisely deadly force that was disrupted by the post-invasion occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan. Americans do not want an empire, and the American military should not be turned into a tool of imperial control. By allowing the military to reduce its stabilization footprint in places like Iraq—to be replaced by international agency efforts centered on peacekeeping (e.g., the UN), criminal policing (such as the FBI, Scotland Yard, and INTERPOL), direct democratization support (State Department), and various international aid groups, bases for terrorist recruitment will diminish. When the military has significantly completed its transformation to a twenty-first century globally available, rapidly deployable, highly mobile, and precisely deadly force, all of America and the free world’s most pressing military needs will be met—including a real reduction in the terror that can be inflicted by transnational criminals. </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3" /><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </p>
<p></font></p>
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		<title>What IS Cyberspace?</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/20/what-is-cyberspace/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/20/what-is-cyberspace/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Jul 2007 17:20:48 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>dolman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cyberspace]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strategy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/07/20/what-is-cyberspace/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[[The following editorial appeared in The Wright Stuff, 8 Feb 07] 
Just over a year ago the US Air Force expanded its mission statement, declaring its commitment “to fly and fight in Air, Space, and Cyberspace.” [Mitch Gettle, “Air Force Releases New Mission Statement,” Air Force Print News, December 8, 2005. Emphasis added] Highlighting its newly raised [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">[The following editorial appeared in </font><a href="http://www.maxwell.af.mil/au/aunews/archive/0203/" target="_blank"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">The Wright Stuff</font></a><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">, 8 Feb 07] </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Just over a year ago the US Air Force expanded its mission statement, declaring its commitment “to fly and fight <em>in</em> Air, Space, <em>and </em>Cyberspace.” </font><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">[<span lang="EN">Mitch Gettle, “Air Force Releases New Mission Statement,” <em>Air Force Print News</em>, December 8, 2005. Emphasis added</span>] Highlighting its newly raised status, Air Force Secretary Michael Wynne recently stated: “Cyberspace <em>is a domain</em> for projecting and protecting national power, for both strategic and tactical operations.” </font><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">[Jim Wolf, “U.S. Air Force Prepares to Fight in Cyberspace,” <em>Reuters News Service</em>, Friday, November 3, 2006. Emphasis added] <span id="more-17"></span></font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Accordingly, AFCYBER Command has been established and slated for eventual four-star authority. But just where is the cyber domain? The Joint Chiefs, with support and input from USAF and STRATCOM leaders, have endorsed a new definition of cyberspace within the draft <em>National Military Strategy for Cyberspace Operations</em>: “a domain characterized by the use of electronics and the electromagnetic spectrum to store, modify and exchange data via networked systems and associated physical infrastructures.” Although Wynne stated the new definition incorporated a breadth that goes far beyond “merely defending or attacking computer networks,” and this has been repeated by incoming AFCYBER Commander Lt Gen Elder, the focus of most efforts to date has been on the hardware and peripherals of cyberspace. While the increased attention to and understanding of the value of cyber operations is welcome, it is important that the Air Force does not subordinate the truly revolutionary potential inherent in the new command to the physical manifestations of cyberpower’s supporting architecture. Unless the full possibilities of cyberspace are recognized as existing apart from the physical or real world, AFCYBER risks becoming little more than the latest iteration of INFOSEC. </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Cyberspace is a virtual place, an imagined reality</font><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">. It does not exist in the sense of the physical or real world. It is carried in the frequencies and on the wires of telecommunications networks, but it occupies no territory, nor is it bound by the physical laws of distance, substance, or time. It abides in the minds of its users, and is limited only by their imaginations. Cyberspace is inseparable from the technology that allows the user to interact with it, but it is not the technology that defines it.<br />
</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">The term itself was coined by science fiction author William Gibson in his 1982 <em>Omni</em> magazine novelette, “Burning Chrome,” but was thrust into the popular lexicon via his best-selling 1984 novel <em>Neuromancer</em>. Gibson essentially defined the cyberpunk movement in info-tech fiction by focusing on the “consensual hallucination experienced daily by billions” through on-line computer interactions “ranged in the nonspace of the mind.” </font><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">[William <span lang="EN">Gibson, <em>Neuromancer, </em>20th Anniversary Edition (New York: Ace Books, 2004): p. 69</span>]</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Gibson’s description appeared to join with (and ultimately shape) reality with the rise of the civilian Internet in the 1990s, and since then the terms have become effectively interchangeable—though an implicit distinction exists between the communications network expressed in servers and other computer hardware, software, frequency emitters and transmission cables that <em>constitute</em> the Internet proper and the information stored and accessed on the Internet (<em>in </em>cyberspace).</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Thus the elements that <em>enable</em> cyberspace have a physical location; they exist in the real world. Interactions that occur <em>within</em> the Internet (and the places—web cites—upon which they occur) do not occupy physical space and essentially transcend the real world. These interactions occur in cyberspace, in the virtual space somewhere in the interconnected minds and expectations of the users <em>enhanced</em> by the technical attributes of the Internet and the physical activities of manipulating keyboards and other input mechanisms in response to feedback from peripheral devices. As such, it cannot be bounded in physical or geographical space. It is not localized. It allows near-instantaneous transport from one virtual location to another, with the click of a mouse. Time itself can be suspended, accelerated, or made moot. And it is in constant, uncontrollable, perhaps even un-guidable organizational flux.</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Naturally, without the physical devices and the networks that connect them, there is no cyberspace in which to act. And while the capacity to destroy a thing is a powerful form of control, it does not in any way imply the best use of the thing. Here is where AFCYBER’s thought is currently stunted. Its focus on the real-world manifestation of cyberspace support is understandable. It is a corporeal fact. Computers, frequencies, and users can all be targeted by real-world munitions. Thus the primacy of effort is on cyber protection (physical as well as intrusive denial) and real-space attack (destruction of the enemy’s physical connectivity). Yet this is only a <em>part</em> of the cyberwar equation—and the lesser part at that. The increasingly critical force multiplying value of focusing on cyberspace in the more abstract understanding above (apart from its external physical characteristics) is in training, testing new ideas and concepts, and in augmented reality (AR). </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Fortunately for the US military, virtual reality has long been a vital (if not properly recognized as such) training tool. It is clear that there is no <em>equivalent</em> substitute for direct experience—combat veterans are the most able on the battlespace—but this does not mean that between it and no experience at all is an unusable chasm. As an educator, I assert that reading or learning about war and battle provides <em>vicarious</em> experience—clearly inferior to actual experience but useful nonetheless. Wargames are a type of simulation long embraced by the military, be they traditional thought experiments in strategic venues or hands-on training at the tactical level.</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Combat has tremendous costs, and is not always available for hardening combatants. Thus we rely on training and simulations to approximate the battle experience, to provide virtual experience. Increasingly for the Air Force, simulators are providing cheaper, safer, and increasingly more realistic training than hands-on experience.</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Augmented reality is the enhancement of real-world experience via real-time cyber-data inputs. It includes the addition of digital data into (or overlaid onto) real world video to enhance and augment the visual experience, but for the military is best expressed in the push of real-time information forward to the combatant as well as the return of real-time data to a central coordinating facility from each user/combatant. The local view or picture of reality is enhanced by motion-tracking inputs, friend-or-foe identification icons, and the like, while the rear-area view of the battlespace may be entirely virtual as represented on a command console.</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Cyber-support to the combatant commands is already functioning in this manner, and increased network connectivity and information overlay capabilities will maximize this type of AR in the near future. But this is not the limit of cyber-enabled AR. As the hardware for presenting virtual information in increasingly effortless and individually useful formats accelerates, the combatant will no longer distinguish between the real and the cyber information available, and will seamlessly maximize both in the creation of a lethal synergy. </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">In medicine we note a parallel example; virtual cadavers are replacing human specimens for all but final training and practice in surgery and autopsy. Difficult surgeries can be virtually practiced in advance using specialized simulators of a living human. Indeed, many of the most difficult surgeries are already performed in a virtually augmented fashion. Laparoscopies and all manner of microsurgeries, for example, are remotely controlled via feedback from a television screen.<br />
Simulators are routinely used in other critical areas, such as testing stress in architectural renderings and in automobile and aircraft designs, even for assessing nuclear explosions. It is no longer necessary to detonate a nuclear device, or wreck an automobile, to get valuable information. Moreover, urban simulators recreate transportation and land-use patterns in reaction to policy decisions. Bomb disposal can be conducted via human manipulation of a simulated (projected) reality via mobile robot.</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Pilots now spend long hours in flight simulators, ultimately requiring less expensive basic flight training and reducing equipment loss. Military pilots can virtually practice emergency landings, dangerous flight paths, and new engagement tactics. Special Operations Forces can virtually fly and walk-through the terrain anticipated in an upcoming mission, preparing them for contingencies and enabling unsurpassed preparation and familiarity before embarking. The Air Force simulates conditions in nuclear missile silos, practicing launch events, as does the Navy in its marine simulators, recreating a ship’s bridge for training and evaluation. The ultimate test is in the real world, of course, but the probability of success or desirable result is greatly increased the better the quality of virtual space immersion.</font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Some day, entire battles may be fought in cyberspace. Already we see Predator unmanned aerial vehicles supporting troops around the world from control centers in the deserts of Nevada. It will not be long before the first virtual dogfight takes place on computer screens located in rival states. The possibilities can only be guessed at, but one thing is sure. In the very near future, the military that can command cyberspace will have an extraordinary advantage on the real-world battlespace. Soon, war may no longer be focused on defeating the enemy’s plan, but on defeating its simulation. </font></p>
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		<title>The Sky is Falling!</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/08/the-sky-is-falling/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/08/the-sky-is-falling/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 08 Feb 2007 16:47:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>dolman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Space Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strategy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/08/the-sky-is-falling/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Saturday’s Science Section of the New York Times had a colorful piece by William Broad on the problem of space debris complicated by the reckless destruction of one of its weather satellites by the Chinese. The gist is that a terrible problem in space navigation is getting catastrophically worse. There is no doubt the Chinese ASAT [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Saturday’s Science Section of the <em>New York Times</em> had a </font><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/06/science/space/06orbi.html?ref=spaceandcosmos" target="_blank"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">colorful piece by William Broad</font></a><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> on the problem of space debris complicated by the reckless destruction of one of its weather satellites by the Chinese. The gist is that a terrible problem in space navigation is getting catastrophically worse. There is no doubt the Chinese ASAT test was irresponsible, even negligent. But there is, as always, a deeper agenda within the ink-saturated pages of the <em>NYT</em>. By linking a looming crisis in space transportation to a space weapon, the impetus for an arms ban in space is implicitly carried. If one detonation in space creates a dire situation, dozens or more must definitely make space travel forever impossible. Any weapons in space take us closer to disaster. The argument, based on the very faulty logic and images of the <em>NYT</em> essay, plays right into the Chinese strategy. Clearly a great deal of damage can be inflicted on a spacecraft (or EVA astronaut) by a piece of debris traveling at relative velocities in excess of 40,000 kph. A single fleck of paint sloughed from a separating boost vehicle is thought to have pitted the windshield of the Space Shuttle as badly as a piece of gravel bouncing off the windshield of a car traveling along a highway. But such collisions are still extremely rare. <span id="more-19"></span></font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Let’s look at some of the basic flaws in Broad’s article. It starts with the </font><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/06/science/20070206_ORBIT_GRAPHIC.html?_r=2&#038;oref=slogin&#038;oref=slogin" target="_blank"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">very dramatic and colorful renderings of earth orbit</font></a><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">. Note the 10,000-plus bits of space junk larger than a softball are portrayed as significant blobs. In fact, were these depicted to scale (relative to an earth roughly nine inches in diameter), most would be invisible to the most powerful microscope. Indeed, the space junk that looms so ominously in the NYT graphics would be so insignificant they would exist only in theory—as no direct evidence of them could be detected. Each of the red, yellow, and blue dots is shown larger than the metropolitan area of the city of Houston, TX. In truth, if all of the space junk, known and hypothesized, were jumbled together, it could be piled into a single vacant black in the aforementioned city, with room left over for municipal parking. It’s a big sky out there, folks. Collisions are bad, but just how likely is a catastrophic crash? </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Broad claims the debris cloud will expand continuously, apparently increasing its mass and destructiveness over time. No doubt the ability to <em>detect</em> the debris will expand, as sensors are cross tabulated and estimates refined (going from 800 to 1000 bits of detectable debris in this case), which is a quite different thing than spontaneous generation of new debris. The apparent growth in the model is from the increasing dispersion of debris over time. The implosion of the satellite created by the hyper-velocity ASAT sent the debris out in a three dimensional cloud (not unlike a large firework display). This means that as the debris gets farther from the center of the implosion some of it will burn up in the atmosphere and some will move out of earth orbit altogether. Some bits will track along a relatively stable orbital path and remain a nuisance/threat for thousands (hardly millions, as claimed) of years. The key factor here is that as the debris cloud expands the debris effectively disperses (distance between bits of detritus increases) making it less of a navigation hazard than if the same cloud were to stay roughly contiguous in a usable orbital slot. The catastrophic cascade effect referenced is a particularly scary and dramatic argument. In this case, a large piece of debris collides with another large piece (on the order of a spent rocket body or decrepit satellite) smashing the latter into thousands of other bits which seek out more large bodies to crash into, and so forth and so on, until space junk is present on the order of 300-1000 times its current <em>density</em>. The likelihood of such a chain of events occurring today is so remote that the author of the idea now agrees that it was a fanciful and essentially ridiculous idea. Only if one projects a geometric progression of orbital debris growth along the curve evidenced in the past fifty years is the possibility even remotely possible. Before the Chinese ASAT, it was something on the order of a fifty percent chance (of one occurrence) within the next thousand years. Now it is probably something like a fifty percent chance of one occurrence in 970 years. </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Of course, all this presumes an unchanging future. No assumptions about the possibility of cleaning up space junk (and there are numerous interesting proposals out there on how this might be accomplished), learning from previous mistakes (the earliest space launches were the dirtiest), or limiting blast damage from kinetic engagements can be considered. As for the last comment, the Old Soviet Empire tested up to twenty of its massive, </font><a href="http://img86.imageshack.us/img86/7814/sovietantisatellitesystemronal.jpg" target="_blank"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">SL-11 launched co-orbital ASATs</font></a><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> in the 1970s and ‘80s, and achieved about a fifty percent success rate. It was a typically ham-fisted approach. Essentially they maneuvered a massive shotgun shell into proximity of the target satellite (about 5 km or so) and then detonated, allowing the momentum of the ASAT to dictate the vector of the blast pattern. Anyway, after the first attempt riddled the orbit with detritus, the Soviets altered the direction of the intercept so that the velocity of the blast would be toward the earth’s atmosphere (down its gravity well). In this way, not only was the ASAT debris quickly and efficiently disposed of in the upper atmosphere (quite attractively, I imagine, if one happened to be watching in the night sky) but the entire target, too—shreds and all—was pushed into the atmosphere to burn up rapidly and cleanly. It is impossible to argue that these tests actually made orbits safer (by taking out the dead hulks of old satellites), but the latter ones did not add any significant debris to orbit. The Chinese could use a similar approach to future tests by simply altering their engagement trajectory. Kinetic kill is not the only space weapon envisioned, and in fact the least desirable. A laser or other directed energy weapon based in space could disable satellites without creating any debris. Smaller bits of debris could become target practice for lower levels of generated energy, giving them a push into decaying orbits for complete burn disposal. The important point here is that no one knows what space war will look like in the coming centuries. But it likely will come. The Chinese have placed an exclamation point on the preceding sentence. </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">This debris problem is vital to the anti-weaponization platform. If they can argue a single test might ruin spaceflight forever, then oh-my-gosh Chicken Little, a war in space would inevitably eliminate the ability to operate there FOREVER. That the world will be forced to abandon space travel because of increasing debris due to some mindless warrior ethos expanding into the heavens is preposterous. </font></p>
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		<title>Easy on Arkin</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/07/easy-on-arkin/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/07/easy-on-arkin/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 07 Feb 2007 16:49:03 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Eros Pace</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Policy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/07/easy-on-arkin/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Many of those in the blog and MSM spheres feasting on the remains of William Arkin’s Jan 30th Early Warning column, “The Troops Also Need to Support the American People,” have unfortunately missed the crucial point of his argument.

Arkin’s thesis – clearly and unambiguously presented at the opening of his post – was this:
I hope [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Many of those in the blog and MSM spheres feasting on the remains of William Arkin’s Jan 30th Early Warning column, “The Troops Also Need to Support the American People,” have unfortunately missed the crucial point of his argument.</font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3" /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Arkin’s thesis – clearly and unambiguously presented at the opening of his post – was this:</font></p>
<blockquote><p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">I hope that military commanders took the soldiers [who spoke to NBC] aside after the story and explained to them why it wasn’t for them [in uniform, on camera] to disapprove of the American people.</font></p></blockquote>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">I saw the NBC newsclip Arkin reacted to. As an active duty military officer currently into a 23rd year of military service, Arkin’s main thesis was spot on. Slap him for his style. Bash him for much of what followed his opening lines. It seems emotion may have blurred his professional peperspective. Moreover, he should be held accountable for the words he published. All that said, PLEASE, in the food fight, let’s not lose sight of Arkin’s clear and unequivocal concern. It is a vitally important one.</font></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA" /></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA">American soldiers in uniform, have no business wading into public, democratic discourse, particularly when it regards our use. Whenever we do, no matter what our position on an issue might be, we erode to some degree the sacred and fragile trust between the nation’s soldiers and the body whole of its citizenry. When we take a side, or even hint at taking a side, we put at risk the trust of those (not in uniform) who might see things differently. Worse, when others who do agree pile on – as in this case, what the Malkins, Hindrakers, Morriseys, and now O’Reilly’s out there are now doing – that overall trust risks still more erosion yet. Michele, Jon, Ed, Bill, thank you for your support. I mean that, humbly and sincerely. Please respect, however, indeed demand from us, that whenever we are in uniform, we soldiers take extra care to remain apolitical. The strength of our military, and ultimately its ability to support and defend the Constitution, rests on this requirement. That was Arkin’s original and primary point, which unfortunately, has gotten completely lost in the melee.</span></p>
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		<title>More Troops, Less Support is Bad Strategy</title>
		<link>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/06/more-troops-less-support-is-bad-strategy/</link>
		<comments>http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/06/more-troops-less-support-is-bad-strategy/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 06 Feb 2007 12:03:11 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>dolman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strategy]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://astropolitics.org/blog1/2007/02/06/more-troops-less-support-is-bad-strategy/</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Change is an arduous thing. In scientific theory and military strategy the process is similar, and exceptionally brutal. Established beliefs and practices are threatened by new ideas. Innovators champion the new paradigm while traditionalists circle the wagons. Thinkers are labeled heretics, and persecuted. Traditionalists stop thinking, and rely instead on dogma, rote learning, and a [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Change is an arduous thing. In scientific theory and military strategy the process is similar, and exceptionally brutal. Established beliefs and practices are threatened by new ideas. Innovators champion the new paradigm while traditionalists circle the wagons. Thinkers are labeled heretics, and persecuted. Traditionalists stop thinking, and rely instead on dogma, rote learning, and a mythical past of imagined success. The epitome of such traditionalism is the December 24th position of the editorial staff of the <em>New York Times</em>, which railed, “… the estimated $15 billion a year (plus start-up costs) needed to add 100,000 more ground troops could easily be found by slashing military pork and spending on unneeded stealth fighters, stealth destroyers and attack submarines, and by trimming the active duty Air Force and Navy.”<span id="more-24"></span> </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Such is not only bad math–the cost of a soldier, sailor, marine, or airman is far higher than annual expense of salary, room, and board–it is bogus strategy. The NYT acknowledges in its opinion that recruitment and one-time equipment costs for these new ground troops will be more than ten times the annual amount cited, yet ignores continuing military education, health and welfare programs, and retirement care and benefits. These are needed in addition to proper training and state-of-the-art equipment to provide each combatant with the best possible chance of survival. Adding a hundred thousand troops without accounting for the enormous associated costs of doing so (indeed, while advocating broad cuts in the DOD budget, “… the overall Pentagon budget is larger than it needs to be”) merely creates, in the lexicon of previous generations, cannon fodder.  The NYT editorial staff has a proud and positive history of progressive idealism on social issues, but a notoriously wrong-headed legacy in the fields of cutting edge science and military strategy. Just one week before the Wright Brothers’ successful Kitty Hawk flight, for example, it urged researchers to stop wasting their time on dreams of powered aircraft. It famously forced rocket scientist Robert Goddard to hide his research from public view after scathing attacks in the 1920s and 1930s that claimed he “seems to lack the knowledge ladled out daily in high schools … ,” not retracted until the 1969 Apollo 11 moon landing.  </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Experience shows that sooner or later, all scientific theories and military strategies break down. The utility of their predictions lessens with time, and efficiencies diminish. Anomalies, situations the theory or strategy cannot explain, appear to challenge what were once reliable and comfortably established truths. Initially, attempts are made to refine the theory or strategy, increasing its complexity until all the previous anomalies are accounted for by tried and true experience. Over time, the anomalies increase and the established paradigm can no longer cope. New theories and strategies are proposed. Perhaps counter intuitively, it is this process of decay that is the engine for progress. Many of the new ideas are simply bad, some comprehensively so and others because they explain the anomalies reasonably well but do not account for previous cases as well or as comprehensively as the old paradigm. </font></p>
<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">Within the time-frame of change, however, a point is reached in which the old ways are widely understood to be obsolescing, but the new theory or strategy has not been widely accepted. Change is obviously occurring, but the prophet of a new order has not been recognized. Yet so entrenched are the old ways that when a new paradigm explaining all past and anticipated instances appears it is seen as dangerously fantastic. This appears to be where we stand today. There is no credible military position that argues emerging technologies that increase the speed, precision, and lethality of the modern warrior ought to be eschewed in future strategies, but there are credible pundits and commentators who come perilously close. With the exception of the historically neo-Luddite opinions exemplified by the NYT, in the post-Vietnam, post-Cold War environment, a wide-ranging (and ongoing) reassessment of military theory and strategy is taking place. The old American way of war, described by Russell Weigley, in which overwhelming force is used in response to direct national threats, is being replaced by a transformation of efficiencies. The precise and perfected paradigm for the next century has not yet been fully established, but the form it will take is already known. The one true constant in all the proposed remedies is a requirement for combined or truly joint operations, a requirement placed into law in the 1986 Goldwater-Nichols Act. </font><font face="Times New Roman" size="3" /><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt">All the nation’s military services—integrated in their vision and maximizing their unique capabilities—will be needed in America’s future conflicts. No one knows what form future conflict will take, but if history is any guide, the next strategic paradigm will follow the same path of acceptance, decline, and replacement. So let us stop calling to throw the baby out with the bath. In the 1990s, with air and space power apparently in unstoppable ascendancy, there were drastic cuts in ground capabilities. Today, mired in a ground occupation on foreign soil, traditionalist reactionaries are calling for a return to old-style slug-it-out battle forces to see America into the future.  Einstein said that it is impossible to solve a problem using the same kind of thinking that gave rise to the problem. More troops/less support is the paradigm that lost in Vietnam, and will lose in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today we need to support our troops with even greater sea, air, space, and cyber power. Our soldiers need full-time air cover, persistent intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, predictive battlespace awareness, and rapid mobility and resupply from air and sea. They need this as much as they need bullets and Kevlar, and more than they need verbal pats on the back.  </p>
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